With No Formal Complaint Channels, Many Resort to Online Reporting. Recently, a student from the College of Physical Education at Hebei Normal University took to the internet to file a real-name complaint against the college dean, accusing him of unethical behavior and violations of laws and regulations. The student also alleged that the college pressured her to perform “improper” tasks for foreign students. This incident has garnered significant public attention. (Screenshot from video)
October 9, 2024 — In a recent interview with DAjiyuan, a Chinese-Australian resident shared his observations after spending several months back in Beijing. He described a climate of discontent and distrust toward the government, noting that officials engage in passive "do nothing" behavior marked by four key attitudes: no initiative, no rejection, no responsibility, and no action. Meanwhile, fines are imposed on the public at random, with little recourse for appeal. Many citizens, frustrated with the situation, express a desire to leave China.
James Chen, an Australian citizen of Chinese descent who spent his childhood in Beijing before immigrating with his family, returned recently to handle personal matters. He noted significant changes in the city.
Xi's Anti-Corruption Efforts Seen as Targeting Dissent, Leading Officials to Adopt "Four No's" Strategy
While in Beijing, Chen encountered various individuals who described the current bureaucratic atmosphere. He found that, while corruption has shifted to more covert forms, officials are mainly concerned with avoiding problems during their tenure rather than fulfilling their roles.
Since taking office in 2012, Xi Jinping has emphasized strict anti-corruption measures, with official statistics indicating that, as of 2022, 4.7 million individuals had been investigated over the past decade, with over 11 million cases handled. However, Chen claims that Xi's anti-corruption drive is primarily a means to target political opponents rather than addressing systemic issues. Many inspection teams are stationed within government units, but Chen alleges they function merely as formalities. Only when the issue involves someone Xi Jinping wishes to target does the inspection yield results, otherwise, it is disregarded.
Chen argued that Xi Jinping’s so-called anti-corruption campaign primarily serves to target political opponents, with inspection teams, including Beijing’s own disciplinary groups, stationed at various units yet functioning as mere formalities. “If you report something, they just go through the motions to see if the issue involves someone Xi Jinping wants to target. If it doesn’t, they ignore it. It’s the same across the country, as Beijing reflects the broader bureaucratic culture.”
He likened these inspection teams to the Ming Dynasty’s secret police, who used their position to attack opponents but remained apathetic about other issues. “As long as there are no issues while I’m in office, I can transition peacefully, as long as corruption isn’t too obvious.”
The term “lying flat,” popular among China’s younger generations to describe disillusionment, has also become a description for CCP officials, who are said to work solely to maintain their jobs. Chen noted that there’s a popular bureaucratic saying: “No initiative, no rejection, no responsibility, no action; stay cold, avoid, feign, deceive, evade.”
He illustrated this with an example of illegal construction in Beijing, where large shopping malls, some bigger than those in Australia or Wanda malls, are built without permits. Chen claims the Beijing Planning Bureau and city management are aware but ignore the issue. Originally approved as facilities for the community, such as eldercare centers and postal services, these buildings are now rented as commercial properties.
When residents report these violations, officials merely acknowledge the complaints, doing nothing more. Chen explained, “This ‘no initiative, no rejection, no responsibility, no action’ behavior reflects the mindset in Chinese government departments and public enterprises today.”
The root cause, according to Chen, is fear of involvement. “People are scared to be implicated. When there’s an issue, departments feign ignorance, unwilling to direct you to the next responsible office.”
In large cities like Beijing, Chen said, the prevalence of illegal buildings has reached a point where reporting them is futile, as the state doesn’t intervene. “Officials now only believe in money and themselves,” he added, “and it’s reached a disturbing level.”
Random Fines and Unified Public Security, Prosecutors, and Courts Leave Citizens Without Recourse
Officials Impose Arbitrary Fines and Detain People Without Accountability; Citizens Lack Channels for Complaints
According to Chen, officials not only ignore issues but also impose arbitrary fines and detain individuals without just cause, leaving the public with no means to appeal. Chen recounted an incident where someone reported a fire hazard concerning electric vehicle charging inside a mall. Fire department personnel responded but later called the complainant, claiming that the entire building had already passed inspections with no issues.
“But the complaint was only about one electric vehicle; why make it about the entire building?” Chen explained. “This approach is about fining for revenue. For example, they fine the mall a certain amount, but a backdoor deal reduces the penalty to a mere notice. This is collusion between officials and businesses. If they conspire on small issues, what about larger ones?”
He added that citizens with grievances have nowhere to go. Hotlines like 12345 are ineffective, capable of addressing only minor issues but failing on major ones. “People file complaints, but nothing happens. Yet, the state can’t go without such institutions,” he remarked. “It’s what they call a ‘petition center’—a place to complain but not necessarily resolve anything.”
Chen observed that in Beijing, he has never seen a case where a person is arrested, prosecuted, and then acquitted. “These departments operate as one, unlike in other countries where public security, prosecution, and courts are independent. In China, all three report to the Political and Legal Affairs Commission.”
He also highlighted media restrictions, contrasting China with countries like Australia, where press credentials are issued by individual media organizations. In China, the Central Propaganda Department issues press credentials, renewed every three years through a complex process involving recommendations, examinations, and ultimately state approval.
Chen explained, “The first requirement on a Chinese press credential is to follow CCP leadership. Every piece of news is filtered through district, municipal, and central propaganda departments. There’s no freedom of speech.”
Chen expressed sympathy for the Chinese public, saying, “It’s quite tragic for ordinary people who have nowhere to voice their complaints. If you post anything online, even if it’s not directly critical of the government but touches on a sensitive issue, your account is quickly suspended for one to three months.”
He also discussed why authorities are intensifying crackdowns on celebrities, particularly in Beijing, stating, “The government targets celebrities nationwide because if they don’t comply, they’ll be taken down. At Beijing’s CCTV, for example, hosts occasionally disappear. If a leader takes a liking to someone, and they refuse, they just vanish.”
Chen highlighted CCTV as a prime example of how dissent is suppressed, adding that Beijing TV and CCTV staff are often controlled through tactics like tax audits and legal scrutiny. “If they want to bring you in line, they’ll find a reason to punish you legally or financially until you comply. They’ll attach charges to you, and no one is without flaws. They label you as they see fit, similar to the Cultural Revolution—it’s reached that level.”
Lack of Human Rights: Police Conduct Arbitrary Phone Checks
Chen described a lack of human rights in China, saying, “On the streets, police conduct random phone checks, and at the police station, they demand your phone during questioning. I’ve experienced this several times—they take your phone, claiming to check for ‘counter-revolutionary’ statements. I asked, ‘By what right? Chinese police and resource laws only allow phone checks in criminal cases.’ Yet, in China, there are no human rights.”
Chen questioned the sincerity of official slogans about serving “the people.” When interacting with officials, he sometimes reminded them that citizens are their “leaders” according to government rhetoric, but officials dismissed these arguments. “When I asked an officer for his credentials after he checked mine, he covered his chest to hide his badge, said nothing, then turned off his body cam. I asked him to turn it back on—this is the level of disregard.”
Chen also described how officers turn off or redirect body cams when dealing with sensitive issues, ensuring no record of potentially controversial actions.
Regarding land development, Chen noted that village officials around Beijing, who control land between the city’s ring roads, have built and rented out numerous properties without issuing property certificates. “These officials, through entities like Agricultural Industrial Corporations, collect rental income while the villagers get nothing. Villagers see billions on the books, but they still lack property rights.”
Chen explained, “If they issued property certificates, villagers could sell or transfer ownership abroad, but without them, they’re limited to renting. Villagers are extremely frustrated.”
Public Discontent with Xi Jinping and Growing Desire to Emigrate
Chen observed widespread dissatisfaction among Chinese citizens toward Xi Jinping, stating, “From what I know, 90% of people are unhappy with the government and its leaders, while the remaining 10% don’t openly express it but still feel the same privately.”
Chen noted Xi’s ambitions to be seen as a “great leader” like Mao and Deng but questioned his approach, particularly his focus on Taiwan. “His main priority now is maintaining stability within China, which is very unstable, including regions like Xinjiang and Tibet. In Xinjiang, police from Beijing are frequently rotated in every three months to manage the camps set up for Uyghurs, where people are held indefinitely, taught Mandarin, and instructed in Xi Jinping’s ideology. It’s so frightening that, naturally, anyone would want to escape.”
He added that the desire to leave China is pervasive. “Even taxi drivers now say, ‘I’d love to go abroad like you.’ When they see people with large suitcases, they often guess they’re heading overseas.”
Chen shared how common it is for people to long for a way out, saying, “If I had the money, I’d send my kids abroad in the next life if I could.” Many people dream of emigrating, but they feel trapped. Upon hearing that someone has lived abroad, they respond, “We’d love to do that too, but we can’t leave; we’re stuck.”
The Chinese government has tightened passport restrictions for state employees. According to Chen, “In Beijing, officials, public employees, and all workers in state-owned enterprises have had their passports and travel permits for Hong Kong and Macau confiscated to prevent them from leaving. They’re afraid these people might gain knowledge of life abroad and never return.”
Editor: Fang Xiao
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