Xi Jinping “mourns the rabbit while fearing the fox” — Public Desire for Change, China Could See Overnight Upheaval

On the night of September 7 through the early hours of September 8, a blood-red moon was visible across all of China. (Video screenshot)

[People News] Nationwide protests erupted in Nepal, and the pro-CCP communist regime there collapsed overnight. Zhongnanhai, while trying to prop up another pro-communist government in Nepal, is simultaneously scrambling to assess and respond to the impact of the Nepali Communist Party’s fall on China—especially the ripple effect it might have on Chinese citizens.

The downfall was triggered when Nepal’s communist government blocked social media, sparking massive protests by Generation Z. As a result, former Prime Minister Oli, who once attended Beijing’s September 3rd military parade, was ousted. Former Chief Justice Sushila Karki has been appointed interim prime minister.

This time, Beijing will find it harder to install a loyal proxy. Karki is known for her anti-corruption image and enjoys support from youth groups. She has repeatedly criticised corruption in Nepal’s pro-communist governments, linking it to communist ideology. She has a deep understanding of the importance of constitutional order and how to respond to citizens’ legitimate demands.

The youth-led protests in Nepal shook Zhongnanhai, but Chinese state media gave little coverage to either the process or the reasons behind the demonstrations.

At the September 10th Foreign Ministry press briefing, spokesperson Guo Jiakun merely said Beijing “hopes all sectors in Nepal will properly handle domestic issues and quickly restore social order and national stability.”

After the collapse of the Nepali Communist Party, related topics trended on the mainland.

Some Chinese netizens sighed: “When will such good things happen to us?” Others said: “I saw the Big Pants (CCTV headquarters) on fire” and “This will make the 70-year-old ‘big baby’ very uneasy.”

Circulating online was a video of Nepal’s finance minister being beaten on the street by protesters, as well as footage of huge amounts of cash being thrown out of the energy minister’s home by demonstrators.

Some netizens were blunt: “We’ve long hated the CCP to the core. Just look at how Putin and Xi, during the parade, openly discussed using transplanted organs to stay alive forever. This shows not only does Xi know about live organ harvesting in China, but foreign leaders know as well. Maybe the CCP even bribes foreign dignitaries with organs from its citizens. No wonder so many Chinese schoolchildren go missing. Teachers and doctors, once respected as ‘engineers of the soul’ and ‘angels in white,’ are now accomplices in organ harvesting. Communism means not only ‘common property’ but also sharing citizens’ organs with the elite. How could such a demonic party last long?”

Many urged to “copy Nepal’s homework.” But is Nepal’s scenario replicable in China?

Let’s compare similarities and differences.

Nepal is a relatively small country, yet in some ways resembles China: corruption, suppression of free speech, elites monopolising resources and flaunting wealth, high unemployment, economic struggles, and a huge wealth gap. These social tensions made the fall of Nepal’s communists a chilling warning for Beijing.

Nepal has been regarded as a “friendly nation” by Beijing. In 2017, Nepal joined the CCP’s “Belt and Road” initiative. According to official Chinese figures, by mid-July 2021, Beijing had pledged investments in Nepal totalling 22.5 billion Nepali rupees, accounting for about 70 per cent of all foreign investment pledged to Nepal in fiscal year 2020–2021. China had been the top investor for six consecutive years—an eightfold increase from a decade earlier.

These investments were mainly concentrated in tourism and other service industries. According to then-Director General of Nepal’s Department of Industry, Bhusal, and other government officials, mainland China had become Nepal’s largest source of direct foreign investment and its second-largest trading partner. The Nepali government hoped Beijing would increase investment in infrastructure, electricity, mining, oil, modern agriculture, and information technology.

This time, however, with the collapse of the Nepali Communist Party, the CCP’s political and economic schemes, cultivated over decades, were wiped out overnight. The immediate trigger for the downfall was the Nepali government imitating Beijing’s social media blockade, its censorship technology having received direct support from China.

Of course, China and Nepal are not the same. The CCP is a far more brutal dictatorship, commanding its military directly. Its repression system is more refined, cruel, powerful, and swift. Once the people resist, if local “stability maintenance” forces prove insufficient, the military can quickly intervene to crush dissent. By contrast, in Nepal, the government collapsed because the military remained neutral—without suppression, the regime quickly fell apart.

U.S.-based conservative commentator Cao Changqing compared it to the 1989 Tiananmen protests: “Both were youth-led and primarily anti-corruption. The difference is Nepal’s military didn’t fire, and the communist prime minister fled.”

The CCP, by contrast, micromanages every aspect of control. Jiang Zemin’s mantra to “eliminate instability in the cradle” remains central policy. The Party monopolises all levers of state violence, its organisational hierarchy is rigid, and decades of propaganda have left many “little pinks” willingly submissive. Hence, it remains hard for Chinese society to form a unified opposition.

But history shows every dictatorship is a paper tiger—outwardly strong, inwardly brittle. Collapse always comes unexpectedly, sometimes in a matter of minutes. Mass anger, the Party’s crimes, and factional fractures together guarantee that once a nationwide wave of protests breaks out, the regime will inevitably fall.

Today’s global and domestic environment is far less favourable to Beijing than in 1989. Internationally, China’s so-called “friends” are dwindling. Syria, Cuba, Venezuela—who still dreams with Beijing?

A group of senior Iranian political and military officials were recently assassinated by Israel. On the 9th, four top Hamas leaders were reportedly killed in an Israeli airstrike on Hamas’s political headquarters in Doha, Qatar. Meanwhile, U.S. President Trump issued a “final ultimatum” to Hamas, demanding it accept a hostage-release deal, calling it the “last warning.”

Even the Taliban ended its oil extraction contract with a Chinese company this June. As for Putin, supposedly Beijing’s “no-limits” true friend, beyond his need for support in the war against Ukraine, he also raised the topic of “organ transplants,” exposing the CCP’s dark secrets of organ harvesting before the world—effectively stabbing Beijing in the back.

Unlike George H. W. Bush’s appeasement in 1989, today’s U.S. is confrontational: one trade war nearly knocked Beijing breathless. The EU, East Asia, Southeast Asia, and Latin America are also distancing themselves. Italy and Panama quit the Belt and Road. Mexico plans higher tariffs. Aside from India and the Philippines (due to territorial disputes) and a few cash-seeking African countries, Beijing has no true friends left.

It’s not only that the CCP has no genuine friends globally—even Heaven itself seems to be moving to isolate the regime and hold it accountable for its crimes. Whoever flirts with the CCP ends up unlucky.

The latest example is Nepal’s Prime Minister Oli, who went to Beijing for the September 3rd military parade to curry favour with the CCP, and also attended the Shanghai Cooperation Organisation summit in Tianjin at the end of August. He flattered Beijing by calling the parade an “extraordinary event.” Perhaps he envied and wanted to learn the CCP’s “secret” of suppressing information and harvesting citizens’ organs to prolong life. But upon returning home, he immediately implemented an internet blockade—only to be swiftly overthrown by the people. His current whereabouts are unknown, and his residence was set on fire.

That’s abroad—now let’s look at the domestic situation.

Inside China, the economy is on the brink of collapse, unemployment is surging, corruption is rampant, public morale is disintegrating, youth are lying flat, resentment toward the wealthy is widespread, and natural and man-made disasters occur frequently. Among the CCP’s 100 million members, few still truly believe in communism. Infighting within the Party and the military never ceases. Moreover, nearly 450 million people have declared their withdrawal from the CCP and its affiliated organisations on the Dajiyuan website.

Since October 13, 2022, when citizen Peng Lifa (online name “Peng Zaizhou”) hung anti-CCP banners on Beijing’s Sitong Bridge, anti-communist messages have blossomed nationwide.

Recently, slogans calling for the Party’s downfall appeared in residential buildings, toilets, and walls in Beijing, Shenyang, and Dalian.

On August 31, a big-character poster titled “General Secretary Step Down” appeared on a Beijing bulletin board.

On August 29, anti-communist protesters lit up Chongqing University Town with slogans like: “Down with Red Fascism, overthrow communist tyranny,” “Only without the CCP can there be a new China,” and “Freedom must be seized, not gifted.”

On August 7, a video spread online of a man in Kunming raising a banner reading “Xi Jinping step down.”

On August 12 in Langfang, Hebei, utility poles bore slogans such as “The CCP is not China” and “The Chinese people are descendants of Yan and Huang, not Marx and Lenin.”

Clearly, Heaven, Earth, and Humanity are all turning against the CCP. And just as Nepal’s communist headquarters was burned and Xi Jinping’s portrait inside torched, Beijing sees a grim omen of its own fate.

Xi Jinping’s “mourning of the rabbit while fearing the fox” shows that Nepal’s communists’ downfall foreshadows the CCP’s own.

In truth, once the people awaken, the CCP has no way out.

A mainland scholar, Tian Ning (pseudonym), told The Dajiyuan: Nepal’s collapse shows the global trend of democracy and human rights is irreversible. The CCP cannot escape eventual disintegration. He urged Chinese citizens to resist through “non-cooperation,” such as boycotting the stock market and protecting their savings, to undermine the regime’s foundations. He emphasised sudden events like Nepal’s could trigger nationwide protests: “Aren’t more and more people daring to openly curse the CCP and ‘the 200-jin man’ (Xi Jinping)?”

Chinese people, he said, have learned one thing from Nepal: “Ultimately, the power of the people decides the fate of any party. Once the masses rise up, the communist regime is utterly vulnerable.”

Senior commentator Cai Shenkun wrote: “Nepal changed overnight. Dictatorships often collapse in unexpected ways.”

Perhaps Beijing will try to learn from Nepal’s downfall—tightening its grip and surveillance. But the very extremity of authoritarian rule guarantees volcanic backlash. The CCP faces a dilemma. It may attempt limited reforms, balancing repression with token concessions, in order to prolong its dictatorship.

In fact, the CCP has faced existential crises before: in the late Cultural Revolution, in 1989, and even when Xi first rose to power, purging Zhou Yongkang and others. Had Xi declared the Party’s end then, he might have become China’s first elected president. Instead, he chose to “save the Party,” leading to today’s isolation: “Nepal today, China tomorrow!” Or as one viral saying puts it: “It should have been smooth sailing; now it’s a frantic scramble, tumbling head over heels.”

(First published by People News) △