March 11, 2023: Senior members of the CCP’s Central Military Commission line up to take the oath at the National People’s Congress. From right to left: Zhang Youxia, He Weidong, Li Shangfu, Liu Zhenli, Miao Hua, Zhang Shengmin. (Lintao Zhang/Getty Images)
[People News] On December 21, the website of the Central Commission for Discipline Inspection (CCDI) and the National Supervisory Commission announced that Yin Jianye, Vice Chairman of the Jiangxi Provincial Political Consultative Conference, is under investigation for 'serious violations of discipline and law.' Yin Jianye is the 62nd vice-ministerial party official to be dismissed this year. His dismissal marks a record high for the number of mid-level officials dismissed in a single year. Analysts suggest that this reflects the extreme level of corruption within the Communist Party of China (CPC), arguing that anti-corruption efforts will only exacerbate the problem, and that disbandment may be the only viable solution.
The CCDI has reported that, as of now, a total of 62 mid-level officials have been investigated in China this year. In the first three quarters, national disciplinary inspection and supervisory agencies initiated cases against 90 provincial and ministerial-level officials. Last year, the CPC officially reported a total of 73 provincial and ministerial-level officials under investigation, with 58 mid-level officials dealt with throughout the year. In 2023, 45 mid-level officials were addressed.
The term 'mid-level officials' refers to those whose appointment and removal powers are managed by the Central Committee of the Communist Party of China and recorded by the Organisation Department of the Central Committee. Officials at the vice-ministerial level and above are classified as 'mid-level officials,' and some key units' department-level and deputy department-level officials also fall under this category. Mid-level officials primarily target high-ranking officials within the party and government system, excluding the military.
Statistics show that this year, 9 out of the 62 central management officials investigated were at the ministerial level, an increase from 6 during the same period last year. The officials investigated, in the order announced, are: Qi Zhala, member of the Standing Committee of the Chinese People's Political Consultative Conference (CPPCC) and Deputy Director of the Agricultural Committee; Jiang Chaoliang, former Secretary of the Hubei Provincial Committee of the Communist Party of China; Jin Xiangjun, Governor of Shanxi Province; Yang Xiaowei, former Deputy Director of the Education, Science, Health, and Sports Committee of the 14th National Committee of the CPPCC; Lan Tianli, Chairman of the Guangxi Zhuang Autonomous Region Government; Bi Jingquan, member of the CPPCC Standing Committee and Deputy Director of the Economic Committee; Liu Hui, Deputy Director of the Education, Science, Health, and Sports Committee of the CPPCC; Wang Lixia, Chairman of the Inner Mongolia Autonomous Region Government; and Yi Huiman, a member of the 20th Central Committee and former Deputy Director of the Economic Committee of the 14th National Committee of the CPPCC.
The Communist Party of China has accused these 9 ministerial-level officials of several common offences: losing their ideals and beliefs, deviating from their original mission, failing to maintain integrity, misusing public resources, and engaging in power-for-money transactions. Additionally, an analysis of these cases reveals two notable trends that have been relatively rare in recent years: first, most of these officials were investigated while still in office, with only Liu Hui being investigated post-retirement; second, among those investigated while in office, 3 were serving as the 'top leaders' of provincial governments, making up more than one-third of the total.
The loss of ideals and beliefs, along with the principles of party nature, signifies a widespread disbelief in the so-called communist ideals among officials of the Chinese Communist Party (CCP). No one is willing to genuinely commit themselves to the Party, indicating that these officials often struggle with political loyalty and are ultimately brought down by economic issues. Analysts suggest that it is the CCP's dictatorship and reliance on personal rule that create the conditions for corruption among officials. In straightforward terms, the CCP encourages its officials to seize money from the populace, and then, under the pretext of anti-corruption, it takes money from those same officials. This strategy allows the CCP to cultivate a so-called positive image of fighting corruption to win public support while simultaneously eliminating political rivals. Moreover, during the current economic downturn, the CCP seizes funds that can be used for internal stability and external expenditures, effectively achieving multiple objectives to sustain its regime.
Wang Youqun, a former writer for the Central Commission for Discipline Inspection, remarked that the CCP operates under a one-party dictatorship, where the Party controls legislation, law enforcement, and the judiciary, as well as decision-making, execution, and oversight. The Party serves as both the athlete and the coach, as well as the referee, which makes robust supervision impossible. The absence of strong oversight leads to the continuous emergence and spread of corruption.
Professor Feng Chongyi from the University of Technology Sydney noted that anti-corruption efforts are essentially a political tool used to manage the bureaucratic system, rather than addressing the root problems.
Current affairs commentator Li Linyi stated that the increasing prevalence of corrupt officials is a clear indication that the CCP's corruption has reached an extreme level, with the very fabric of this regime having decayed, leading to an inevitable disintegration.
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