Recently, CCP leader Xi Jinping's crackdown on the military has garnered significant attention from the international community. The accompanying image shows Xi Jinping (centre) attending a ceremony at Tiananmen Square in Beijing on September 30, 2018. (Lintao Zhang/Getty Images)
[People News] As the date for the 21st National Congress approaches next year, Xi Jinping's anxiety over his re-election bid has become a key factor in the power struggle at Zhongnanhai. On July 30, the Politburo meeting unexpectedly confirmed that the Fifth Plenary Session would take place in October this year. Additionally, the agenda for the Fifth Plenary Session included unusual topics, with a focus on the comprehensive and in-depth promotion of strict party governance as the central theme, signaling extraordinary political intentions.
On the afternoon of July 30, during the 27th collective study session of the Politburo, Xi Jinping urgently called for political military building, stressing the need for high-quality advancement in national defense and military modernization. The military newspaper published an editorial, emphatically stating the importance of upholding and strengthening the Party's absolute leadership over the military. The following day, the Minister of National Defense of the Communist Party of China, Dong Jun, spoke at a reception celebrating the 99th anniversary of the founding of the army at the Great Hall of the People in Beijing, reiterating the need to adhere to Xi's thoughts and implement the responsibility system of the Chairman of the Military Commission.
As July unfolds, the power struggle within the Chinese Communist Party has intensified dramatically, resulting in a series of high-profile downfalls among officials. Recent reports indicate that Lou Jiwei, a protégé of Zhu Rongji and former Finance Minister, is under investigation. Additionally, Guo Wenqing, the former deputy secretary of the Party Committee and general manager of China Minmetals Corporation, and Xin Baoan, the former chairman of the State Grid Corporation, are also facing scrutiny. These developments, along with alarming rumors about former Party leader Hu Jintao's family being involved in a food poisoning incident, suggest that the political atmosphere in Beijing is anything but tranquil as the Beidaihe meeting approaches. Xi Jinping appears to be conducting a high-stakes political power restructuring campaign, aiming to eradicate political disloyalty under the banner of self-revolution, eliminate potential rivals or dissenters, and establish a party-dominated state reminiscent of Mao Zedong's era. His goal seems to be to replace the Party's will with his own, seeking to ensure that personal authority supersedes Party power, ultimately achieving the permanence of his personal power.
The Politburo meeting held on July 30 not only established the schedule for the Fifth Plenary Session in October but also prioritized 'continuously advancing strict governance of the Party' as a central agenda item. Historically, the Fifth Plenary Sessions have focused on economic planning or medium- to long-term strategies, making this year's agenda particularly noteworthy. Observers widely interpret this as more than just a simple topic adjustment; it appears to be Xi Jinping's strategic move to clear the way for next year's 21st National Congress, unify ideological perspectives, and eliminate obstacles, while making institutional arrangements and ensuring legitimacy. By elevating strict governance of the Party to unprecedented levels, it indicates that there are still considerable 'political hidden dangers' within the Party that require thorough cleansing.
On July 30, the Politburo's collective study session highlighted the issue of military power. Xi Jinping emphasized that 'the political building of the military is the foundation of the people's army,' insisting on 'upholding and strengthening the Party's absolute leadership over the military' and 'ensuring that the military always follows the Party's command.' The military newspaper's editorial the next day largely mirrored this sentiment, repeatedly asserting that 'wherever the Party flag points, the military flag follows.'
During the reception for the 99th anniversary of the military, Defense Minister Dong Jun put on a strong display of loyalty, not only discussing at length the importance of 'firmly listening to the Party and following the Party,' but also deliberately proclaiming 'the implementation of the responsibility system of the Chairman of the Military Commission,' and urging the entire military to 'unite even more closely around the Party Central Committee with Comrade Xi Jinping at its core.' In light of the ongoing purges within the upper ranks of the Military Commission, Dong Jun's public display of loyalty appears to be a form of passive political self-preservation and an unavoidable political alignment, revealing Xi Jinping's deep-seated anxiety regarding the military's loyalty.
Since the investigation of former Vice Chairman of the Central Military Commission Zhang Youxia and former Chief of Staff of the Joint Staff Department Liu Zhenli on January 24 of this year, Xi Jinping has not released any results regarding their cases. Analysts suggest that before the Fifth Plenary Session, the issues surrounding Zhang and Liu will be classified and resolved, with results likely to be announced during the session. Previously, there were rumors that Xi Jinping might handle Zhang and Liu lightly due to pressure from the military and the need to balance various political forces. However, given the current agenda of the Fifth Plenary Session, this possibility seems almost nonexistent. Xi Jinping is known for his ruthlessness and will go to great lengths to consolidate power.
Recent reports indicate that investigations concerning Zhang Youxia and Liu Zhenli were completed several months ago but have yet to be officially disclosed. A source with close ties to the military described the current situation: despite being imprisoned, Zhang Youxia and Liu Zhenli still command significant respect among many generals across various military regions. The military continues to place its trust in these two experienced commanders.
The reports also highlight that the entire command structure of the Central Military Commission has been in disarray for over six months. Documents issued by the Military Commission have reached lower levels, yet no one is willing to sign them or take responsibility. This has led to a vacuum of accountability and a power void within the military command system, resulting in a breakdown in the command chain. At present, the Military Commission consists solely of Xi Jinping and Zhang Shengmin, and the entire system is becoming increasingly ineffective, with the military's operational capacity nearly paralyzed.
In reality, over the past two years, Xi Jinping's anti-corruption campaign within the People's Liberation Army has expanded from the Rocket Force to the core levels of the Military Commission. He Weidong and Zhang Youxia, both vice chairmen of the Military Commission, have been dismissed in quick succession. The high level and frequency of these dismissals are unprecedented in the history of the Chinese Communist Party's military. Xi Jinping's anti-corruption efforts emphasize political training, from Gutian to Yan'an, and subsequently to the senior cadre training programs across the military, with increasing intensity. The ultimate aim is to gradually detach the military from being the party's army and transform it into Xi Jinping's personal armed force. The 'military commission chairman responsibility system' has been repeatedly underscored, effectively becoming the rallying cry for Xi Jinping's private military. The notion of 'absolute party leadership over the military' has, in practice, shifted towards 'Xi's absolute leadership over the military.'
Simultaneously, the purging within the party and government system is accelerating. Lou Jiwei, a former subordinate of Zhu Rongji and the former Minister of Finance, has long been seen as a representative of technocrats. However, in recent years, he has made several ill-timed public comments, and the news of his investigation is certainly not coincidental. Guo Wenqing, a former aide to Li Zhanshu, and Xin Baoan, linked to the Ma Xingrui case, are also involved. Previously, reports emerged that Jiang Jinquan, a former aide to Wang Huning, was taken away following a raid, and Liu Guozhou, a former aide to Wang Xiaohong, is under investigation. Cui Peng, the last direct subordinate of Wang Qishan, has also been investigated. On July 30, it was reported online that Jiang Yikang, a former aide to Zeng Qinghong, is under investigation. Earlier, the Chinese Communist Party officially announced the downfall of Cai Fuchao, a former aide to Jia Qinglin. These cases involve both Xi Jinping's faction and anti-Xi forces, as well as high-ranking officials from both the corporate and government sectors. Despite their differing affiliations and opposing factions, together they send a strong signal that a fierce struggle for power reshuffling within the Chinese Communist Party system, in anticipation of next year's 21st National Congress, has already begun.
The online rumors regarding the 'food poisoning' of the Hu Jintao family, while likely false, have quickly gained traction at a sensitive time. This indicates that public perceptions of the brutality of power struggles have surpassed conventional boundaries. The negative implications are also quite clear, as the individual disseminating this information has ulterior motives, using the Hu Jintao poisoning incident to ridicule Xi Jinping and reshape his image as a 'petty person + tyrant,' effectively preemptively condemning Xi Jinping in terms of political morality and ethics.
Xi Jinping's power restructuring, framed as a 'self-revolution,' seems to be reinforcing central authority; however, it is actually dismantling the internal trust mechanisms within the Chinese Communist Party (CCP) bureaucracy. Officials are increasingly worried not about performance assessments or economic metrics, but about the potential for political loyalty to be redefined at any moment. Those who were 'comrades' yesterday could be labeled as 'significant political risks' today; statements made yesterday might be retroactively interpreted as 'publicly compliant but privately defiant.' This environment has led to a rapid deterioration of the bureaucratic ecosystem: self-preservation has become the prevailing attitude, proactive engagement is viewed as risky, and genuine information is filtered through multiple layers, creating a vicious cycle of 'reporting good news while ignoring bad news, and expressing loyalty without revealing the truth.'
When the trust chain within a regime deteriorates to a certain point, the apparent unity often becomes a mere illusion. Officials may publicly rally around the core leadership, but privately, they feel insecure. The pressures of economic decline, local fiscal challenges, social discontent, and internal party purges further heighten this fragility. Xi Jinping, aspiring to a Mao Zedong-style personal authority, seeks to maintain control through ongoing political movements, yet this approach incurs costs that are far greater than anticipated in a modern bureaucratic system and complex society.
The various changes occurring on the eve of the Beidaihe Conference represent just a snapshot of the ongoing reshaping of power. From fervent calls for political-military reform to Dong Jun's public display of loyalty, followed by a series of abrupt downfalls among high-ranking officials, all indicators point in the same direction: Xi Jinping is making a desperate effort to eliminate any potential variables, striving to permanently entrench his personal power within the party-state apparatus. However, this very approach is accelerating the internal hollowing out of the system. Officials are increasingly anxious and distrustful of one another, while the military's political training intensifies yet still requires repeated affirmations of loyalty, leaving the succession mechanism completely vacant.
Xi Jinping's political power struggle has left the Chinese Communist Party's officialdom in a state of despair, as the regime systematically loses internal trust. The succession system has been forcibly undermined during Xi Jinping's era; while it may appear unified on the surface, it is, in fact, perilously close to disintegration.
(First published by People News) △
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