"White Paper Movement" Two-Year Anniversary: China's Youth and Their "Atomized" Resistance Amid Challenges

In this archive image: On November 27, 2022, in Beijing, China, protesters hold up blank sheets of paper as a symbol against censorship during protests against the Chinese Communist Party's strict zero-COVID measures. Following a deadly apartment fire in Xinjiang Province, protesters took to the streets in multiple cities across China, sparking nationwide demonstrations. Many blamed the deaths on COVID-19 restrictions. (Photo by Kevin Frayer/Getty Images)

[People News] On the two-year anniversary of the "White Paper Movement," candlelight vigils were held in major cities worldwide to commemorate the victims of the Urumqi fire and protest the tyranny of the Chinese Communist Party (CCP). This indicates that the "blank paper protests," which once swept across China, have not ended with the lifting of pandemic lockdowns. What characterizes this new generation of "White Paper" protesters? Under the CCP's intense pressure, can they persevere in their fight for freedom and rights? Will similar large-scale protests erupt again in China in the future?

According to Radio Free Asia, the deadly fire in Urumqi, Xinjiang, on November 24, 2022, triggered the "White Paper Movement," a wave of protests across China against the "dynamic zero-COVID" policy and stringent pandemic control measures. The movement's rapid mobilization, cross-class coordination, and strong demands made it the largest spontaneous mass protest in China since the 1989 student movement.

"I felt like we found each other"

Two years have passed. How do the participants reflect on the event now? Zhao Yun, a former Beijing resident who has since relocated to Thailand, told Radio Free Asia: "I think the White Paper Movement was a very decentralized, fragmented kind of movement. But what made it effective was that the pandemic affected almost everyone—no one could escape it. Everyone was equally 'hit by the iron fist,' which connected us all." For safety reasons, Zhao Yun used a pseudonym during the interview.

The online personality "Li Laoshi Bu Shi Ni Laoshi" ("Teacher Li Is Not Your Teacher"), who gained prominence for their unique role in the White Paper Movement, told Radio Free Asia: "The White Paper Movement is just a beginning; it gave us a lot of confidence. In the past, our generation felt like this country was just the way it was, and nobody would resist. Many thought the best option was to leave, to 'run.' But the White Paper Movement made me feel like we found each other. We realized there are others in this country who think like us and who can empathize with the suffering of those at the bottom of society."

Huang Yicheng, who participated in the Shanghai White Paper protests and now lives in Germany, noted that participants spanned multiple groups, including factory workers protesting at Zhengzhou's Foxconn, citizens protesting in Shanghai’s Urumqi Road and Beijing’s Liangma Bridge, university students from institutions like Nanjing Communication University and Tsinghua University, as well as overseas Chinese and international students. He said: "The first three groups have all been suppressed. Now, only the fourth group remains: the overseas Chinese movement."

Huang also highlighted that, unlike the 1989 Tiananmen protests, the New Citizens' Movement, or the Jasmine Revolution, the White Paper Movement featured significant participation from women, including elements from feminist movements, LGBTQ+ rights activism, and workers' rights campaigns—integrating these with modern global social movements: "The White Paper Movement reflects a fusion with contemporary trends in international urban life and new global movements. This is one of its defining characteristics."

Defining the "White Paper Generation". Zhou Fengsuo, a former leader of the 1989 Tiananmen protests and an organizer of a White Paper protest outside the Chinese Consulate in New York, told Radio Free Asia: "The White Paper Movement primarily involved a relatively young generation—many students, as well as young people who had just graduated. Through the movement, they awakened and began to develop sustained political demands and activities."

However, the demands of these young participants were not clear from the outset, and even today, they continue to evolve.

"Ambiguous" Resistance and the CCP's "Paranoia" of Suppression

In those winter nights of late November 2022, young people in many major Chinese cities and on hundreds of university campuses gathered, holding up blank sheets of paper to call for the end of lockdowns. In Shanghai, some young people chanted slogans like "Down with the Communist Party, Down with Xi Jinping." Along the Liangma River in Beijing, crowds repeatedly shouted the slogans displayed on the banners hung by Peng Lifa on Sitong Bridge: "We want food, not COVID tests! We want freedom, not lockdowns!..." In cities like Tokyo, London, New York, and Toronto, the slogans were even more diverse: "Stand with Taiwan! Stand with Ukraine!" and "I demand economic autonomy!"

"Actually, at the beginning, everyone’s demands were unclear," Zhao Yun recalled. Reflecting on those days, Zhao, who was present at the Liangma Bridge protest, said that the young people she encountered had different motivations. Some were dissatisfied with the authoritarian regime, others were defending personal rights, and some were simply struggling to make ends meet. Zhao recounted one young woman’s words: "She said her demand was either to have a job or to get basic welfare. She explained that every store was closed. She wanted to wait tables, learn nail art, or do something, but no one was hiring. She had no options."

In the past two years, Shanghai’s Halloween celebrations have become a popular event for many young people. While enjoying dressing up and expressing themselves freely, they also use the occasion to critique social issues and voice dissatisfaction with societal realities. Meanwhile, the authorities treat such activities as a potential threat, imposing strict controls on costumes and arresting participants in "bizarre outfits." Earlier this month, over 100,000 Zhengzhou university students rode shared bicycles to Kaifeng for what appeared to be an innocent outing to enjoy local "soup dumplings." However, this simple activity triggered the authorities’ heightened vigilance. Police rushed to block roads, and schools forbade students from leaving campus.

"Whether it’s Halloween or biking, you don’t initially think these activities would upset the authorities. You think, 'I’m just enjoying my hobby, dressing up, going out, and having fun.' But you always end up realizing that for any reason, the authorities just don’t want you to have a good time," said Zhao Yun, who became involved in human rights activities after her historical novels were banned. She continued: "If you write about history, they censor your writing. If you participate in house play, they publicly strip you of your costume. If you go biking, they fear young people gathering for any collective activity."

Zhao pointed out that the CCP creates its own "enemies": "At first, you don’t even intend to offend or challenge them, but they just see you as a threat. In such a situation, it’s hard to pinpoint what you did to provoke them, but somehow it becomes a form of resistance."

Huang Yicheng believes that the White Paper Movement is continuing among young people in new forms. For instance, Shanghai’s Halloween activities involve groups similar to those in the movement, and Zhengzhou students’ night rides reflect the younger generation's search for a sense of belonging. "Through these activities, young people are finding new expressions of public participation, new symbols, and fresh ways of addressing social issues," Huang said.

"Atomized" Resistance in an "Atomized" Society

Huang Yicheng further explained that after the Tiananmen crackdown in 1989, the Communist Party systematically dismantled grassroots organizations in Chinese society, leaving people in an "atomized" state of isolation. This was a deliberate strategy by the CCP to strengthen its control over Chinese society. Over the past decade, under Xi Jinping's rule, political repression has intensified. "The White Paper Movement is also highly 'atomized,' because it lacks the traditional methods of social mobilization that rely on civil society, public intellectuals, or social activists. Instead, it operates through social media and the explosive dissemination of information online, leading to offline mobilization. This is, in a sense, a consequence of the CCP's strategy of atomized social control," Huang said.

Recently, China's tightly controlled society has seen frequent occurrences of "献忠" ("sacrificial loyalty") incidents—large-scale, indiscriminate attacks—which have sparked significant public concern. Many of these incidents involve men committing violent acts to retaliate against society. At the same time, numerous "atomized" protests have taken place across China, such as the high-profile individual demonstrations by Peng Lifa and Fang Yirong. Though these acts are carried out by individuals, their impact has been substantial, making them more challenging for authorities to preempt.

Huang predicted that spontaneous social incidents in China are likely to increase in frequency and may bring unexpected changes to society: "In a way, the deeper the level of 'atomization' in society, the faster and larger these explosive mobilizations will become. This is a double-edged effect of an atomized society," he explained. As an example, Huang pointed out that the "Zhengzhou Night Ride" involved a larger crowd than the White Paper Movement, though it lacked any explicit political demands:
"The potential for such social mobilization to evolve into political demands is, I believe, not particularly difficult to imagine."

"We Are All of the Same Generation"

As a youth protest movement that shook Chinese society, the "White Paper Movement" is often compared to the 1989 Tiananmen student protests. Zhou Fengsuo, who has closely interacted with the youth involved in the White Paper Movement, noted that while the historical contexts differ—the Tiananmen movement was largely driven by themes of patriotism and democracy—both movements share common ground in their pursuit of personal freedom and rights.

Yang Ruohui, founder of the Canadian Citizens' Association and a participant in the White Paper Movement, echoed this sentiment: "We strive to create a basic consensus, and it’s very simple: human rights. It’s not about opposing the Communist Party for the sake of opposition. I oppose the CCP because it happens to be the most oppressive organization when it comes to human rights. LGBTQ rights, feminism—these are all part of human rights."

Two years after the conclusion of the White Paper protests, many young participants who once stepped forward have now disappeared or fallen silent. "Last year, on the first anniversary of the White Paper Movement, I gave a speech about how active people were," Yang said. "But within months, they faded away. I think this is a normal pattern."

Zhou Fengsuo observed that the challenges faced by the "White Paper Generation" are strikingly similar to those faced by the "Tiananmen Generation": "After a major social movement, under the CCP’s ongoing rule of fear and isolation, those who remain steadfast often feel alienated and isolated. This reflects the CCP's nature as a shared adversary and the similar environment it creates for us."

As someone born in the mid-1990s, Zhao Yun has also recognized that the White Paper Generation is generally more accustomed to engaging in highly individual and sporadic forms of resistance: "Our foundation is different from that of the 'Tiananmen Generation.' For example, many of them could form poetry societies while they were still in school. Whether exiled abroad or staying in China, they often established overt or underground groups. In contrast, we lack that tradition." After moving overseas, Zhao noticed how internal divisions, generational differences, and a lack of communication and unity among young activists were weakening their resistance efforts.

To encourage the White Paper Generation to persist in their struggle, Zhou Fengsuo offered two pieces of advice:
"First, establish yourself in your local community abroad; second, we must keep our focus on China. We need to work toward changing China. We should leverage the freedoms we enjoy abroad to contribute to a future free China. These principles are essential if these movements are to avoid becoming superficial or short-lived."

Zhou emphasized: "Until the CCP’s authoritarian regime falls, we are all of the same generation. The system’s shaping power is immense, and the challenges we face remain fundamentally similar."

"What Should the China You Envision Look Like?"

Li Laoshi (Teacher Li), a well-known social media figure based in Italy, gained prominence during the "White Paper Movement" for sharing protest news and videos from across China on the X platform. A symbolic figure in overseas youth resistance, Li, whose real name is Li Ying, shared with Radio Free Asia:
"On this two-year anniversary, I feel that the significance of the White Paper Movement is becoming increasingly clear, especially in the past two months, as we've witnessed numerous social incidents across Chinese society."

From wage protests to the collapse of the legal system, from "distant water fishing scandals" to "loyalty sacrifice" events, Li Ying, who collects and reposts breaking news from China daily, described 2024 as "utterly surreal":
"Since the lifting of COVID restrictions, rational ideals and idealistic voices have gradually faded, replaced by an uncontrollable restlessness. Looking back now at the winter of 2022, I think it was truly remarkable that people could stand up and express themselves with such rational and idealistic voices. This stands in stark contrast to the chaos and turmoil we see at the end of 2024."

On the second anniversary of the White Paper Movement, Li Ying emphasized that lifting restrictions did not bring the press freedom or freedom of speech that people genuinely demanded.
"History has now diverged into two paths: one where some Chinese people, upon awakening, realize the need for change; the other where society becomes increasingly extreme, closed-off, and repressive. Looking back, I think we need to re-examine what was said on the streets on the nights of November 26 and 27, 2022."

With China’s economy continuing to decline, youth unemployment reaching alarming levels, and political pressure intensifying, the younger generation feels increasingly lost and unable to find a way forward.
"What do you really want, or what path do you think China should take? Tell everyone what the China in your mind looks like. I think this is very important," Li Ying said. This, according to Li, does not necessarily mean engaging in radical resistance but rather fostering discussions and exchanges to clarify the direction for the future:
"It seems like many people today rarely discuss this. People are still pinning their hopes on something or placing their expectations somewhere. But I think the time has come—we need to start discussing what the China in your mind should look like."

Li Ying predicted that large-scale collective protests similar to the White Paper Movement will undoubtedly occur again in the future. No amount of resources devoted to maintaining stability by the authorities will be able to prevent it:
"These events will happen. I believe we will all see that day."

 

 

 

 

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