On March 5, 2023, Chinese Premier Li Keqiang (right) walked past Chinese President Xi Jinping after delivering the government work report during the opening session of the National People's Congress (NPC) at the Great Hall of the People in Beijing. (Photo by Noel Celis/AFP via Getty Images)
[People News] Shanghai entrepreneur and independent media figure Hu Liren, who has been dedicated to uncovering the truth behind former Chinese Premier Li Keqiang’s death, has also announced that he will gradually release important manuscripts written by Li during his lifetime. Recently, in his program, Hu once again unveiled a handwritten document by Li Keqiang from 2018, shortly after Xi Jinping’s constitutional amendment. In the manuscript, Li revealed that he cast a vote against the amendment as his strongest protest against Xi Jinping’s unconstitutional actions — a choice that, as he foresaw, would plant the seeds of mortal danger.
On October 4, Hu Liren stated on his program “Real China” that the manuscript he released that day was particularly heavy, written by Li Keqiang in March 2018, the year of the constitutional amendment.
Li Keqiang wrote in the manuscript: “If any nation alters its constitution at will, it shakes the very foundation of its state. Once power loses its restraints, public trust collapses, and institutions drift toward nothingness.”
The manuscript further stated that China had already endured such suffering. During the Cultural Revolution initiated by Mao Zedong, Mao’s personal will overrode the system, causing the entire nation to pay a heavy price: countless families were shattered, the economy was on the verge of collapse, and thought was driven to extremes. Yet, Li wrote, Xi Jinping is once again turning back the wheel of history: power is being concentrated, the Constitution has been tampered with, society is shaken, and economic trust is collapsing. “A society without rules,” Li warned, “can only descend into chaos and fear.”
Li Keqiang wrote that for this very reason, he persisted in casting his vote against Xi Jinping’s constitutional amendment. He knew that the outcome of the vote was likely predetermined, yet the people still had the right to reject dictatorship. Li was also fully aware of the consequences this vote might bring and had mentally prepared himself to bear the heavy personal cost. Even so, he was willing to accept it.
The manuscript bluntly stated that if the Constitution is trampled, any so-called strength would be nothing more than a castle in the air. “Dictatorship is not power, but fragility. Familial rule is not stability, but decay. True strength comes from institutions and stability, from the trust of the people, and from cooperation with the civilised world.”
Li concluded by urging future generations to remember that the foundation of the nation lies in the Constitution, and the hope of democracy lies in the rule of law. To repeat the same mistakes would be a betrayal of generations of effort and a betrayal of the future. “History must not go backwards. China must not lose its direction again.”
On March 11, 2018, during the First Session of the 13th National People’s Congress, the Constitutional Amendment was officially passed in the Great Hall of the People. Of 2,964 deputies present (out of 2,980), the results were: 2,958 votes in favour, 2 against, 3 abstentions, and 1 invalid ballot — a “support rate” of over 99.7%.
The Chinese Communist Party’s legislative body abolished the term limits for the presidency, giving Xi Jinping constitutional legitimacy to rule indefinitely and to perpetuate his hardline authoritarian rule.
But who cast the two votes against this amendment? If one of them was Li Keqiang, then who was the other?
It is said that back in 1949, when Mao Zedong was elected Chairman of the Central People’s Government, there was also one dissenting vote. Delegates at the time interpreted it as a sign of Mao’s “great humility.” However, a widely circulated version of the story later claimed that Mao was not the one who voted against himself — the dissenting vote was actually cast by Zhang Dongsun, a professor at Yenching University. Reportedly, Mao ordered an investigation into the identity of that single dissenting voter afterwards.
Given Xi Jinping’s personality, it’s well known that he would likewise try to find out who cast the opposing votes. Once he confirmed that one of them was Li Keqiang, that discovery would have become a thorn in Xi’s heart — one he would inevitably remove when the opportunity arose.
In August of this year, Hu Liren released another of Li Keqiang’s handwritten manuscripts, which documented Li’s anxiety and private resistance before and after the constitutional amendment. The letter also recorded a private conversation between Xi Jinping and Li Keqiang about the issue.
Li recalled that in late 2017, Xi summoned him to the West Building of Zhongnanhai for a one-on-one meeting.
According to Li’s account, Xi opened the discussion bluntly: “We are preparing to push for a constitutional amendment to abolish the presidential term limits. For the nation to be stable and strong, we must rely on centralised leadership.”
Li replied: “General Secretary, the reform is not yet complete. Amending the constitution now will not only cause unease within and outside the system but will also seriously damage our credibility and image in the international community.”
Xi responded: “This is not something you can personally influence. It is a decision made by the Party Central Committee after unified deliberation. The overall situation is settled — there can be no opposition.”
Li persisted: “General Secretary, we cannot let individual will replace institutional constraints. Power must be regulated — that has always been the direction of our reform efforts.”
In his manuscript, Li wrote: “The meeting was tense, with no common ground. He spoke of centralised leadership; I spoke of institutional structure. He talked about historical mission; I spoke about national trust.” Li admitted that he felt Xi’s words carried a warning and that his opposition to the amendment would inevitably bring grave consequences.
Hu Liren commented that since Xi forcibly amended the constitution, he has pushed power to its extremes, elevating personal worship above institutions. Now, China’s economy is in full decline, its people suffer, and Xi uses “military strength” and “grand parades” to intimidate both citizens and the world. He is pushing China toward the brink of war while aligning himself with a global authoritarian bloc — strengthening ties with Russia, North Korea, and Iran in an attempt to form a dark alliance against the civilised world. As a result, China has become increasingly isolated, losing both opportunities for development and the trust of the international community.
Hu again addressed Li Keqiang’s sudden death, calling it an apparent “accident” but truly a mystery. He added: “Everyone knows that in the CCP’s ruthless power struggles, so-called accidents are often coldly manufactured cover-ups. In such a totalitarian system, there is no room for those who uphold conscience and justice. Li Keqiang was not the first to be swallowed by it — and he will not be the last.”
In June, rumours spread widely about the details of Li Keqiang’s alleged assassination. In July, Hu Liren suggested that Li may have been killed by “underwater electrocution.” He also revealed that Li left behind a vast collection of personal writings, including notes, speech drafts, and letters — over 500 documents in total — covering major policy reflections, private thoughts, and his worries and hopes for China’s future. The most valuable portions, Hu said, were secretly preserved by one of Li’s close friends. Hu stated that he plans to gradually publish these key documents in his program “Real China” (真實中國) in the coming months.
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