Cai Fuchao, a former subordinate of Jia Qinglin, has fallen from grace. Is Xi Jinping working to defuse the Ma case? 

Dark clouds hang over Tiananmen Square in Beijing. (Lintao Zhang/Getty Images)

[People News] On July 15, Cai Fuchao, the former deputy minister of the Central Propaganda Department and former secretary of the Party Leadership Group and director of the National Press and Publication Administration, is under investigation for serious disciplinary violations and illegal activities. He is currently undergoing a disciplinary review and supervisory investigation by the Central Commission for Discipline Inspection and the National Supervisory Commission.

On July 9, rumors began circulating on overseas social media that Cai Fuchao, a member of the 18th Central Committee and former deputy director of the National Committee of the Chinese People's Political Consultative Conference's Education, Science, Culture, Health, and Sports Committee, had been taken away for investigation by the Discipline Inspection Commission, awaiting official confirmation. This situation once again demonstrates that when rumors are exported and then brought back, they often turn into remarkably accurate predictions.

Public records indicate that Cai Fuchao is 75 years old this year and has been retired for nearly a decade. A native of Beijing, he has spent much of his career deeply involved in the Beijing propaganda system and the CCP's cultural and broadcasting system, being a direct subordinate of Jia Qinglin, a faction associated with former party leader Jiang Zemin.

In 1971, Cai Fuchao worked as a laborer at the Beijing Xuanwu Joint Transport Packaging Factory. By 1975, he had become an officer in the publicity section of the Beijing Xuanwu District Transportation Bureau. After 1979, he joined the Business Department of the Beijing Daily as a reporter and deputy director, and in 1985, he studied at the School of Journalism at Renmin University of China. Following 1986, he held various positions, including director of the Finance and Trade Department of the Beijing Daily, editorial board member, director of the editorial office, and deputy editor-in-chief.

In June 1998, Cai Fuzhao was appointed as the Deputy Director of the Propaganda Department of the Beijing Municipal Committee of the Communist Party of China. By 2000, he had taken on the role of Deputy Secretary-General of the Beijing Municipal Committee and Executive Deputy Director of the General Office. In 2002, he became a member of the Standing Committee of the Beijing Municipal Committee and the Minister of the Propaganda Department. In 2008, he was promoted to a member of the Standing Committee of the Beijing Municipal Committee, serving as both Minister of the Propaganda Department and Vice Mayor. In February 2011, he was appointed as the Deputy Minister of the Central Propaganda Department, Director of the State Administration of Radio, Film and Television, and Secretary of the Party Group. In March 2013, he took on the roles of Deputy Minister of the Central Propaganda Department, Director of the State Administration of Press, Publication, Radio, Film and Television, Deputy Secretary of the Party Group, and Director of the National Copyright Administration. In 2015, he continued in these positions, maintaining his roles as Deputy Minister of the Central Propaganda Department, Director of the State Administration of Press, Publication, Radio, Film and Television, Secretary of the Party Group, and Director of the National Copyright Administration. In November 2016, he was additionally appointed as a member of the 12th National Committee of the Chinese People's Political Consultative Conference and served as the Deputy Director of the Education, Science, Culture, Health and Sports Committee of the 12th National Committee.

Cai Fuzhao has had a long career at the Beijing Daily. When he joined the Beijing propaganda system in 2002, it coincided with Jia Qinglin serving as the Secretary of the Municipal Committee and Liu Qi as the Mayor. At that time, the leadership team of the Beijing Municipal Committee was predominantly composed of members from the Jiang faction, including Du Deyin, Qiang Wei, Long Xinmin, and others in the Standing Committee, as well as the Minister of Propaganda, Jiang Xiaoyu. When Cai Fuzhao became the Deputy Minister of the Central Propaganda Department in 2011, Liu Yunshan was the Minister, followed by Liu Qibao in 2012, both of whom were also associated with the Jiang faction.

In 2015, after Cai Fuchao was appointed as the Director and Party Secretary of the National Press and Publication Administration, Xi Jinping had already been in power for three years. During this time, in 2013, the propaganda system of the Communist Party of China (CPC) faced a significant purge led by Xi Jinping. Zhou Yongkang's associate, Li Dongsheng, who served as the Deputy Director of CCTV, along with Li Dongsheng, the Director of the CPC '610' Office and Deputy Minister of Public Security, were both removed from their positions. This was followed by a scandal at CCTV, which implicated several prominent figures, including Guo Zhenxi, the Director of the CCTV Finance Channel, Deputy Director Li Yong, and Liu Wen, the Director of the Documentary Channel, as well as well-known hosts such as Ye Yingchun and Rui Chenggang. In 2016, Xi Jinping's trusted aide from Shaanxi, Jing Junhai, was appointed as the Director of CCTV, indicating a major reshuffling of the Jiang faction's propaganda system under Xi Jinping.

During Cai Fuchao's time at the Beijing Municipal Committee, he earned the recognition of Jia Qinglin. At that time, Wu Xiangzhong, the Deputy Editor-in-Chief of the Beijing Daily, was promoted by Cai Fuchao. However, after Wu Xiangzhong was reported for corruption and subsequently imprisoned, Cai Fuchao found himself implicated and under investigation. He was ultimately protected by Municipal Party Secretary Jia Qinglin, which allowed him to navigate the situation safely. In 2011, through the discreet efforts of Jia Qinglin, who was then a member of the Political Bureau Standing Committee and Chairman of the Chinese People's Political Consultative Conference, Cai Fuchao was elevated to the position of Director of the National Radio and Television Administration and elected as a member of the 18th Central Committee of the CPC. Cai Fuchao has a passion for playing the jinghu and has written several red-themed scripts. With his extensive experience in propaganda, film and television, and news publishing, he transitioned in 2016 to become the Deputy Director of the Education, Science, Culture, Health, and Sports Committee of the National Committee of the Chinese People's Political Consultative Conference. The opportunities for rent-seeking during this period were significantly greater than those available to the average person. At that time, online self-media was not as advanced as it is today, and the advertising projects, copyright transactions, channel resources, and box office revenues in the newspaper, radio, television, and publishing industries could be easily monetized through the exercise of power.

Cai Fuchao has been investigated nearly a decade after his retirement, making him the 40th central management cadre to face scrutiny since 2026. At first glance, this seems to indicate a corruption crackdown with no areas off-limits and a mechanism for retrospective accountability. However, upon closer examination, it fundamentally reflects a power struggle and factional infighting. This situation represents not only a political purge by Xi Jinping within the propaganda and broadcasting system but also a further assault on the Jiang faction from the previous administration.

In 2025, rumors circulated online suggesting that Jia Qinglin's family might be under investigation. Despite being a close ally of Jiang Zemin, Jia Qinglin has been rumored to be a benefactor of Xi Jinping. Commentator Cai Shenkun noted on social media at the time that Jia Qinglin played a crucial role in helping Xi Jinping achieve three significant milestones in his political career: first, his promotion from deputy city-level to full city-level; second, his entry into the Fujian Provincial Committee Standing Committee, attaining the rank of deputy provincial level; and third, his further advancement to the position of full-time deputy secretary of the party committee, making him the third-ranking official in the provincial committee, which allowed him to enter the candidate list for the 15th Central Committee alternate members.

Analysis from overseas commentators suggests that the investigation into Jia Qinglin's family in 2025 may have been instigated by anti-Xi factions. This also highlights the extreme chaos within Chinese politics, serving as a necessary reflection of the internal conflicts and political instability within the upper echelons of the Communist Party.

A year later, as Xi Jinping was initiating a major rectification campaign within the party, fervently advocating for self-revolution, and amidst a turbulent officialdom where officials felt increasingly insecure, the case of Cai Fuchao, a close associate of Jia Qinglin, was unexpectedly brought to the forefront. This development raises numerous suspicions and signals the peculiar dynamics of power struggles in Zhongnanhai. Following the arrests of Zhang Youxia and Liu Zhenli, the anti-Xi faction's influence has been diminished. Whether there remains a faction within the party capable of challenging Xi Jinping, and whether they can leverage pressure on Jia Qinglin to undermine Xi Jinping, is a topic that warrants further discussion and observation.

Rumors are circulating that Wang Qishan has been placed under soft detention. Chen Xi, a close ally of Xi Jinping, is under scrutiny for selecting sick officials, poor personnel management, and secretly organizing the Chen family faction, which has crossed Xi Jinping's personal political red line. As the most ambitious figure in the party, Xi Jinping is seeking re-election at next year's 21st National Congress. He has intensified his anti-corruption campaign, leading to widespread discontent within the Chinese Communist Party (CCP). The close aide of Jia Qinglin, Cai Fuchao, has been caught in the fallout, which is not surprising. Regardless of whether the case is aimed at Jia Qinglin, the implications of the Cai case are expected to resonate significantly within political circles, especially among retired senior officials.

Moreover, the announcement of the Cai Fuchao case coincided with the second day of the notification regarding Ma Xingrui's double expulsion. The scope, impact, and political ramifications of the Ma Xingrui case are comparable to a nuclear event. The rise and fall of Ma Xingrui's career illustrate the unpredictable nature of officialdom and the fluctuations of power during Xi Jinping's era, creating a distorted image akin to a mushroom cloud of black smoke rising within the CCP. This situation is likely to have lasting effects on the political landscape of the 20th National Congress, as well as on the CCP's political ecology and power structure.

Additionally, Peng Liyuan, the first lady of the CCP, is deeply entangled in the Ma case, which undoubtedly tarnishes Xi Jinping's political reputation. This also presents a challenging dilemma for Xi Jinping in managing the Ma Xingrui case. The official announcement regarding Ma Xingrui intentionally downplays the political implications while emphasizing economic and livelihood issues, which is quite evident. At this critical juncture, the ongoing revelations about the Cai Fuchao case raise suspicions of an attempt to divert attention and create a smokescreen.

It is important to note that, according to overseas sources such as Minghui.org, the Epoch Times, and international investigations, Cai Fuchao (蔡赴朝) held the position of a member of the Standing Committee of the Beijing Municipal Committee of the Communist Party of China and served as the Minister of the Beijing Municipal Propaganda Department starting in 2002. During his time in office, he was accused of being the highest authority in the Beijing propaganda system, directly manipulating and directing the propaganda campaign against Falun Gong, as well as overseeing brainwashing and 'transformation' efforts, in collaboration with the '610 Office' and the political and legal systems to carry out persecution.

At that time, Beijing was characterized as one of the 'most severely repressed municipalities' in the country regarding Falun Gong. During a 2003 meeting in Beijing aimed at expanding the persecution of Falun Gong, Cai Fuchao delivered a summary speech outlining further suppression measures. He leveraged the resources of the Propaganda Department to spearhead negative media coverage and public sentiment against Falun Gong. Additionally, while holding relevant positions in the Beijing 'Anti-Pornography and Anti-Illegal Publications' leadership group, he facilitated the connection between 'Anti-Pornography and Anti-Illegal Publications' efforts and persecution, leading to the illegal suppression of Falun Gong practitioners.

International investigations have frequently included Cai Fuchao on lists of individuals suspected of being responsible for persecution and labeled as villains, alongside other Beijing officials such as Jia Qinglin, Liu Qi, Jiang Xiaoyu, Ma Zhenchuan and Zhou Kaidong.

Now, over 20 years later, with Cai Fuchao's downfall, who can claim that this is not the retribution resulting from his role in the persecution? This situation resonates with the ancient saying: 'Revenge is not absent; the time has not yet come. Misfortune and fortune have no door; they are only self-invited.'

(First published in People News) △