Xi Jinping (People News)
[People News] Following the official announcement that Zhang Youxia, Vice Chairman of the Central Military Commission of the Communist Party of China, and Liu Zhenli, Chief of Staff of the Joint Staff Department, are under investigation, the reactions from within the Communist Party, the military, the public, and even from the United States and the international community are likely beyond Xi Jinping's expectations. He did not receive the overwhelming support he anticipated. Despite Xi's repeated demands for loyalty from the entire military through military publications, the results appear to be uncertain, as military generals either respond passively or remain silent, both of which silently challenge his authority.
In this context, if Xi Jinping continues to act unilaterally and if external leaks lead to a further large-scale purge within the party and military, the ultimate outcome will likely accelerate his own downfall and that of the Communist Party, as history shows that no mad king who has acted in such a manner has escaped the consequences of backlash.
Confronted with the dilemma of being unable to backtrack, Xi Jinping may indeed regret this course of action. The pressing question now is how to manage the aftermath. So, where is Zhang Youxia being held by Xi? Reports suggest he is detained in a certain location in Hebei, but according to one of the earliest informants who revealed the investigation news of Zhang Youxia and Liu Zhenli, the exiled Jiang Wangzheng (originally named Yin Ke) disclosed on February 4 that Zhang Youxia is under house arrest in Shenzhen.
In the mid to late 1980s, Xi Jinping's father, Xi Zhongxun, was also placed under house arrest in Shenzhen by Deng Xiaoping. It is said that Xi's mother is also in Shenzhen. What considerations does Xi have in placing Zhang under house arrest in Shenzhen?
Jiang Wangzheng reported that Zhang Youxia's only son, Zhang Xinhe, and his personal secretary, Zhang Li, were accompanying him during his house arrest in Shenzhen. He also disclosed a noteworthy detail: on February 4 at noon, Huang Kunming, the Secretary of the Guangdong Provincial Party, invited Zhang Youxia to lunch. Jiang Wangzheng managed to obtain the menu that was provided to the Guangdong Provincial Party Office and the Bureau of Administrative Affairs, which included cold dishes like Couple's Lung Slices and Sichuan Pickles, hot dishes such as Shiping Braised Tofu, Braised Three Delicacies, and Fish-Flavoured Shredded Pork, along with dim sum of Steamed Rice Cake and the staple dish of Oil-Splashed Noodles.
Zhang Youxia hails from Shaanxi, where both Oil-Splashed Noodles and Steamed Rice Cake are local delicacies. The other dishes are also regional specialities, so it is not surprising that Zhang, who has travelled widely, enjoys them. Thus, the menu appears to be authentic.
If Zhang Youxia is indeed under house arrest in Shenzhen and is being hosted by local officials, this situation of 'detention' seems inconsistent with the aggressive tone of the editorial published by the military newspaper following his removal. The editorial accused Zhang and Liu of 'seriously violating and undermining the responsibility system of the Chairman of the Military Commission, significantly exacerbating political and corruption issues that threaten the Party's absolute leadership over the military, severely damaging the image and authority of the Military Commission, and greatly impacting the political ideological foundation of unity and progress among all military personnel. It also stated that their actions caused substantial harm to the political construction, political ecology, and combat effectiveness of the military, resulting in extremely adverse effects on the Party, the country, and the military.'
Although subsequent military reports downgraded the charges against Zhang Youxia and Liu to focus primarily on corruption, traditionally, someone like Zhang, facing such serious allegations, would typically be sent to Qincheng Prison in Beijing. Instead, he is under house arrest in Shenzhen, where he can even have lunch with local officials. If Zhang had been detained without any official announcement and without being burdened by so many accusations, such leniency might have been more plausible.
However, according to revelations from Jiang Wangzheng, despite having numerous 'charges' against him, Zhang Youxia did not go to Qincheng Prison but is instead under house arrest in Shenzhen with family members. This suggests that while his personal freedom is restricted, his treatment remains unchanged. Does this imply that Xi has recognised that detaining Zhang is straightforward, but quelling the military's anger and silent protests is much more challenging? In other words, if Zhang Youxia, who has been deeply entrenched in military affairs for years, were to face an accident or receive a severe sentence, Xi might not fully grasp the repercussions he would encounter.
At this juncture, Xi has already committed himself without the option of retreat. Confronted with various challenges, one of the most effective strategies for Xi to stabilise the military is to encourage Zhang Youxia to cooperate voluntarily, admitting to certain charges in exchange for what is termed 'lenient' treatment. Huang Kunming, who hosted a banquet for Zhang, may serve as Xi's initial advocate.
Huang Kunming is a key confidant of Xi Jinping. He has held long-term positions in Fujian, and when Xi was transferred from Fujian to Zhejiang, Lu Zhanguo, who had advanced from Jiaxing in Zhejiang and served as the provincial organisation minister and deputy secretary of the provincial party committee, recommended Huang Kunming to Xi. Huang was swiftly promoted by Xi from the mayor of Huzhou to the secretary of the Jiaxing Municipal Committee.
Since then, the two have increasingly intersected, and Huang Kunming has gained Xi Jinping's trust. After Xi became the party leader in 2012, Huang Kunming was transferred to Beijing to serve as the deputy minister of the Publicity Department, later becoming the secretary of the Guangdong Provincial Committee. Thus, without Xi's authorisation, it would have been impossible for Huang Kunming to share a table and drink with the 'traitor' Zhang Youxia.
Of course, this is merely speculation on the author's part. By representing Xi, Huang Kunming may not only reflect Xi's lack of options but could also be testing Zhang's position to see if a compromise can be reached between the two parties. In the author's opinion, regardless of the outcome, it will ultimately backfire on Xi Jinping, as both fate and public sentiment have shifted away from him. No matter how much Xi tries to manoeuvre or seeks to restore his 'supreme' status, it is merely a momentary flicker of glory.
(First published by the People News) △

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